0:00:16 | okay so |
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0:00:18 | i talk is on discourse relation annotation |
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0:00:21 | in very research for modeling discourse relations |
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0:00:24 | i realise corpora annotated with such relations so for example we have |
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0:00:29 | the rst dt corpus based on the rst the penn discourse treebank pdtb based on |
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0:00:35 | at a time |
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0:00:36 | and the and adjust corpus are based on sdrt their other corpora as well |
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0:00:41 | so in other frameworks |
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0:00:42 | i'm not covering all of them here |
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0:00:45 | the penn discourse treebank which is the focus of my talk is a large-scale annotated |
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0:00:49 | corpus |
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0:00:51 | annotated over a one million word a wall street journal corpus |
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0:00:55 | it's been used widely in the community for a lot of experimental work |
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0:00:59 | as well as the framework we now apply to annotate |
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0:01:04 | other text including of the champs and languages |
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0:01:08 | however the current version of the corpus pdtb to does not |
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0:01:12 | providing supposed to validation of its source text |
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0:01:15 | there's work on going to address these gaps |
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0:01:18 | in between speech |
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0:01:19 | using the next version of the corpus pdtb three we do so |
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0:01:24 | either a current work addressing the gaps |
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0:01:28 | focuses on intra sentential relations which are relations of arguments in the same sentence |
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0:01:34 | along with some modifications to existing annotations most of which involve modifications |
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0:01:40 | resulting |
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0:01:42 | in the sense hierarchy that out show later on |
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0:01:45 | i talk focuses on the critical kind of gal in the |
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0:01:48 | class of intra sentential relations which and relations with arguments and different sentences |
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0:01:53 | so just a very quick overview of the annotation framework for those of you are |
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0:01:57 | not familiar with it |
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0:01:59 | the pdtb follows the lexically grounded but purely neutral approach to the representation of discourse |
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0:02:04 | relations |
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0:02:04 | which means that the annotation shallow |
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0:02:07 | without committing to dependencies or structures beyond individuals relations |
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0:02:11 | i discourse relations hold between two abstract object arguments that are named r one and |
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0:02:16 | arg two using syntactic conventions |
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0:02:19 | in the example that you see here and another example of the arg one is |
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0:02:22 | in fact alex and r two is in bold |
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0:02:25 | relation such a good either by explicit connectives in which case the |
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0:02:29 | the get the relation type label of explicit |
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0:02:32 | so in this example but is the explicit discourse connectives that relates this two sentences |
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0:02:37 | in the relation of contrast |
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0:02:38 | and that's because |
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0:02:40 | these two attorneys offices men had from manhattan teachers e |
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0:02:44 | they average of different number of criminal cases |
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0:02:52 | and when relations are not triggered by explicit connectives and that of the by decency |
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0:02:56 | between sentences and you're multiple things can happen first be made hidden for discourse relation |
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0:03:02 | for which we can insert a connective |
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0:03:05 | and such that the resulting text sounds reasonably readable and coherent |
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0:03:09 | the relation type label for this is implicit |
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0:03:12 | so in this example here |
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0:03:15 | they're talking about the mac issues being hit but with investors and then the second |
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0:03:19 | are two examples |
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0:03:20 | talks about how this company just goes offer of the ventures was oversubscribed |
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0:03:25 | the annotator inferred what we call the institution relation for most of the inserted the |
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0:03:30 | connective for example it sounds |
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0:03:32 | reasonably readable and coherent |
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0:03:34 | in other cases we infer a discourse relation |
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0:03:37 | but inserting a connective explicit relations used for just under c and that's because the |
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0:03:42 | relation is been expressed in some other man and not for the connective |
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0:03:46 | the relation type here is labeled all flex |
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0:03:48 | so in this example below |
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0:03:51 | and the we have a subject verb sequence that prompted expressing the relation of results |
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0:03:56 | between the two sentences |
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0:03:59 | basically the plant that sometimes been destroyed and people at this other company know what |
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0:04:03 | it the same thing's gonna happen to them and then the r two sentence talks |
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0:04:07 | about |
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0:04:09 | what they are going to do as a result of that vary |
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0:04:13 | to other of relation types can be got mean these that used in context and |
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0:04:18 | jaw and nora and actually later on and when to talk about how they're done |
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0:04:22 | some revisions to these two labels but basically and real are entity gazed relations which |
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0:04:27 | means that |
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0:04:28 | you cannot insurgent any explicit connective |
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0:04:30 | and the sentences are related by virtue of some and a for reference |
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0:04:35 | but just like to some entity across the two sentences |
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0:04:37 | some of these relations actually do involve coherence relations |
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0:04:41 | all the pdtb doesn't regard them as such |
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0:04:43 | and they involve a background relation or of continuation relations so this example |
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0:04:48 | the first one for injured is actually sort of a background where you have this |
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0:04:52 | demonstrable these as the art for it link up for the r two sentence giving |
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0:04:57 | some background about that are from nikos and their derivatives |
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0:05:01 | and lastly we get an oral where not to mean intensity based relation holds |
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0:05:06 | and this is due there are some changes is to how the sleepless finally drawn |
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0:05:14 | with respect to arguments of a relations arguments can the annotated depends upon the type |
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0:05:18 | of relation |
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0:05:19 | so the r two of explicit relations is always |
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0:05:21 | some part of the sentence or clause containing connective |
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0:05:24 | but the art one can be anywhere in the private x |
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0:05:27 | for all of the relation types like i said are what are not or only |
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0:05:30 | annotated when adjacent |
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0:05:33 | arguments can be extended to include additional clauses and sentences in all cases except nor |
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0:05:38 | l |
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0:05:38 | but there's a strong minimalistic constraints that wise inclusion of only the minimally necessary text |
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0:05:44 | need to train i |
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0:05:48 | in section finally the sense hierarchy the in the in the work that we did |
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0:05:53 | be using the modified since hierarchy |
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0:05:56 | in before pdtb three which was presented that law last year |
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0:06:00 | one going to law the details you want to the more have some slides for |
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0:06:04 | later on |
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0:06:05 | but basically at the top level four classes from pdtb to a reading |
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0:06:10 | temporal |
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0:06:12 | comparison contingency an expansion of their been changes |
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0:06:15 | at level two and level three |
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0:06:16 | most of these changes involve a one-to-one mapping |
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0:06:20 | from and to be to be due to its tree which we have implemented automatically |
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0:06:25 | others are reviewed and annotated manually |
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0:06:28 | in this what we came up to new senses that we got evidence for |
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0:06:32 | one is have a for all four question answer pairs |
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0:06:35 | and the other is introducing level three sentences for the asymmetric instantiations relation |
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0:06:42 | okay so back to the focus of this talk |
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0:06:45 | the as i said just in a critical gap in the class intersentential relation so |
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0:06:50 | if you look at the current version of the corpus |
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0:06:53 | you'll find that all sentences at containing an explicit connective |
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0:06:57 | that's really that sentence to something in the prior text |
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0:07:01 | have been annotated but almost all there are some gaps |
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0:07:05 | and then |
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0:07:06 | within paragraphs all the sentences without such a connective have been annotated |
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0:07:13 | but |
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0:07:14 | in the paragraph the first sentence of the paragraph to process the paragraph boundary |
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0:07:20 | remain an annotated in the current corpus |
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0:07:22 | so in this example here which shows the for six sentences of an article the |
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0:07:26 | last one six as an explicit connective at a paragraph boundaries the mt lines indicate |
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0:07:31 | paragraph boundaries |
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0:07:32 | that has been annotated are one is not shown but the sense contrast indicates that |
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0:07:37 | the annotation in the corpus |
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0:07:39 | if you look at this third paragraph the internal implicit relations |
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0:07:45 | between svms fourth conjunction and between that's for ns five conjunction is also been annotated |
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0:07:50 | what's not annotated what are not annotator is to industry in and that's because they |
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0:07:55 | are at the paragraph boundaries |
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0:07:57 | there are more than twelve thousand such an annotated tokens in the card version of |
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0:08:00 | the corpus their total for almost forty thousand tokens the corpus |
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0:08:05 | these an annotated tokens constitute thirty percent of all intersentential discourse context |
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0:08:11 | and eighty seven percent of all across paragraph intra sentential context the remaining thirty percent |
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0:08:15 | being a transcriber explicit relations |
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0:08:20 | so why worry about things for the forces automatic prediction there's been some work to |
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0:08:24 | show that |
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0:08:25 | they we can get improvements and very hard task of implicit relations stance classification |
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0:08:29 | with the sequence model and also other work that incorporates features but no neighboring relations |
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0:08:35 | but there's also the goal of understanding and global discourse structure so the a shallow |
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0:08:40 | analysis the pdtb is also in service of the emergent discourse a global discourse structure |
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0:08:46 | which you can get by combining the individual variations together but in order to do |
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0:08:50 | that we need the complete sequence of relations over texas which is not their corpus |
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0:08:55 | currently |
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0:08:57 | so our goals are to identify a challenges and explore the feasibility of annotating |
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0:09:01 | these course paragraph implicit relations on a large scale |
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0:09:05 | and to produce a set of guidelines to annotate such relations reliably and also a |
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0:09:10 | representative subset of pdtb text |
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0:09:13 | annotated with complete sequences of intra sentential relations |
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0:09:17 | and this can be done by merging the existing interest relations in the pdtb across |
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0:09:22 | paragraph implies that are currently annotating |
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0:09:26 | in our experiments we selected a fifty four texts from the pdtb corpus to cover |
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0:09:30 | a range of sub genres and lines |
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0:09:33 | they contain four hundred and forty paragraph initial sentences which we call |
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0:09:39 | current hyper for sentence si pfs |
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0:09:41 | and that are not already related to the prior text by an intersentential explicit connective |
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0:09:46 | and the experiments were spread over three phases |
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0:09:50 | that's just how things happened we didn't pan adapt |
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0:09:54 | in phase one we study text to develop it can be understanding of the task |
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0:10:01 | two expert annotators which is basically myself and kate forbes the second order |
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0:10:05 | we work together to discuss annotate ten text |
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0:10:10 | containing hundred and thirty tokens |
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0:10:11 | a but we did not enforce the pdtb adjacency constraint for implicit because we wanted |
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0:10:16 | to explore the full complexity of the task |
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0:10:19 | each token was annotated for its relation type |
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0:10:22 | sense and minimum spans |
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0:10:26 | what refinement phase one was that fifty two percent of the paragraph initial sentences to |
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0:10:31 | their prior are one arguments from |
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0:10:33 | and adjacent unit involving a |
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0:10:35 | prior paragraphs last sentence which is p l s for short |
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0:10:40 | the remaining forty eight percent form the non-adjacent relation |
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0:10:44 | this argument distribution is similar to that of course a graph express it's which are |
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0:10:49 | also non-adjacent roughly half the chart |
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0:10:51 | so whether this would be shown more generally something that we wanted to explore |
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0:10:57 | with for their annotation in the next phase |
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0:10:59 | we also found that working together we could isolate and agree upon b r one |
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0:11:04 | of not only the adjacent relations but also the non-adjacent ones |
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0:11:07 | so second hypothesis was to explore whether both adjacent and on adjacent relations could be |
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0:11:14 | annotated reliably on a large scale |
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0:11:18 | this led us to a big out |
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0:11:21 | another hundred and three tokens over ten text |
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0:11:24 | in which we did doubled like the annotation that was |
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0:11:29 | that would give us |
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0:11:30 | the results to |
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0:11:32 | to understand whether |
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0:11:34 | this would be advantageous large scale |
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0:11:37 | and be annotated these tokens regardless of whether the arguments adjacent or non-adjacent |
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0:11:43 | is the results from phase two |
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0:11:46 | the first thing you know what is that the agreement on whether and it not |
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0:11:52 | relation is adjacent or non-adjacent just that |
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0:11:55 | binary decision |
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0:11:56 | was reasonably high at seventy six percent |
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0:12:00 | but when we looked into each of these groups are within the ones that on |
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0:12:05 | which we agreed to be adjacent and the ones on which would be to be |
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0:12:08 | non adjacent |
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0:12:09 | and we found that generally exact match agreement in which the tokens for you need |
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0:12:14 | for type sense an argument spans |
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0:12:16 | with low for both |
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0:12:18 | which shows the general difficulty of the task |
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0:12:20 | of annotating and discourse paragraph in place it's |
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0:12:25 | when you relax |
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0:12:26 | at the argument matching |
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0:12:30 | to relax them in a multi constraint so we did two kinds of relaxation on |
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0:12:35 | the arg min max and one with sentence-level max with you disagreed at the sentence |
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0:12:38 | level on some part of a span |
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0:12:41 | we allowed that to quantize agreement |
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0:12:44 | and also relaxing that even for the to allow for soup residential overlap |
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0:12:49 | lead to further both of these like to further boost an agreement |
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0:12:56 | but what what's interesting what's actually agreement what's much worse for |
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0:13:02 | the non-adjacent a relation than for adjacent relations of the non-adjacent but the forty seven |
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0:13:07 | percent and the adjacent relations where a texas sixty one percent |
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0:13:11 | so that is to so that and also when we discuss the disagreements |
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0:13:17 | we found that while it was almost possible to reach consensus |
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0:13:21 | the time and effort that was required for and you to getting the non adjacent |
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0:13:26 | relations was twice greater than for it you to get better adjacent relations |
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0:13:31 | this led us to conclude that annotating the arg one of identifying be are gonna |
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0:13:35 | on it uses was |
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0:13:37 | in the with the current |
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0:13:39 | state of the guidelines and the baby doing things is prohibitive so large scale annotations |
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0:13:44 | therefore for now a decision was made to maintain the pdtb adjacent against change pitches |
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0:13:49 | you know |
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0:13:50 | you know we consistent with the existing constraints for adjacency |
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0:13:54 | and focused on full annotation of only adjacent relations |
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0:13:57 | but we also wanted to annotate the presence of a not reduce it implicit relation |
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0:14:03 | which is not there right down the pdtb |
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0:14:05 | with some kind of underspecified marking and we use the label of north somewhere else |
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0:14:10 | for that |
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0:14:12 | this led us to going back to what is that evaluated we consider |
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0:14:17 | the way the labels of interest and we're are assigned in the current version of |
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0:14:22 | the pdtb |
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0:14:23 | so in the current assignments we get an enter a if there is an entity |
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0:14:26 | based on here installation |
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0:14:28 | holding between i one and r two and the discourse that expanded around some entity |
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0:14:32 | you're not too |
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0:14:33 | either by continuing the narrative around it |
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0:14:36 | or supplied background about |
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0:14:38 | but we also did not intra currently |
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0:14:40 | is that does not hold if this was inactive well here installation of background a |
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0:14:45 | continuation |
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0:14:46 | but it's just some entity coreference between the two arguments |
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0:14:49 | and this is the case even if r two forms an on and you also |
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0:14:54 | upon the non-adjacent implicit relation |
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0:14:57 | we didn't know we have if and rather or no discourse relation holds |
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0:15:01 | but this is the case even if r two is also part of a non-adjacent |
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0:15:05 | implicit relation |
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0:15:06 | and we get an oral when the r two is not part of a discourse |
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0:15:10 | at all |
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0:15:12 | this happens the by lines like to do you have to alter sort of information |
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0:15:16 | or if the start of a new article in a single was you general file |
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0:15:22 | which can happen sometimes |
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0:15:27 | so that our goal to encode the presence of non jews an implicit relations |
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0:15:31 | the current assignments are problem |
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0:15:33 | because this information is spread across vote labels so we |
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0:15:37 | da |
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0:15:38 | presence of an implicit non-adjacent relation |
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0:15:40 | it's better cross enter eleanor l so we cannot tell |
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0:15:45 | identify that |
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0:15:46 | an ambiguous lee |
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0:15:48 | the current assignments also confound the presence of |
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0:15:50 | a semantic into debates coherence relation with the presence of milk reference and that's the |
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0:15:55 | problem with in be here |
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0:15:57 | so what we want to do is to unambiguously identified non-adjacent an implicit relations just |
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0:16:03 | the presence of it |
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0:16:04 | but which we use the label was them |
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0:16:07 | this also allows us to get |
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0:16:09 | that semantic |
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0:16:10 | entity based coherence relations unambiguously |
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0:16:13 | and also a unambiguously identify the two pieces of nowhere |
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0:16:19 | and which are two is not related to anything in the project |
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0:16:23 | and one is get this is an example of an underspecified non-adjacent implicit relation but |
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0:16:27 | if i start to talk about it is usable the five minutes |
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0:16:32 | so employing the decisions and enhancement made in phase two in phase three the remaining |
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0:16:38 | two hundred and seven |
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0:16:40 | have a cross paragraph tokens from thirty four text what double blind the annotated again |
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0:16:46 | the be enhanced guidelines |
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0:16:48 | and these of the results from face three and in order to do a consistency |
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0:16:52 | comparison to see the differences of given the phase two results here as well |
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0:16:56 | the first thing to know what is that the agreement on whether that relation was |
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0:17:00 | reduced and are not adjacent that binary decision |
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0:17:02 | was approximately the same which is good |
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0:17:06 | the second thing that over the agreed tokens at the proportion of non adjacent relations |
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0:17:11 | was also approximately the same as in phase two |
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0:17:14 | and this supports the hypothesis about the high frequency of knowledge is an implicit and |
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0:17:18 | therefore |
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0:17:19 | what suggesting that the word pair annotating |
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0:17:22 | overall agreement with the most relaxed metric what an argument spans with higher phase three |
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0:17:28 | and sixty two percent and phase two features that forty three percent and this is |
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0:17:32 | partly because of the back-off to underspecified annotation of non adjacent relations |
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0:17:36 | but also |
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0:17:39 | but also a we have a high agreement on the scent annotation of the adjacent |
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0:17:44 | relations which is sixty nine percent and based you from sixty one percent in phase |
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0:17:48 | two |
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0:17:48 | other just partly due to were enhanced guidelines for annotating the same injured relations |
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0:17:55 | the improvement on the sensors also better reflect argument agreement so there's an increase in |
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0:17:59 | exact match to forty two percent from twenty four percent and phase two there is |
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0:18:03 | less agreement due to the super sentential argument overlap |
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0:18:08 | thirty percent reduction to thirteen percent and thirty percent and face to |
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0:18:12 | there is more disagreement of the sentence level so we have fourteen percent disagreement |
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0:18:17 | at sentence level from seven percent face to but these are not close the loop |
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0:18:21 | they showed that people minus syntactic differences upper example one attitude included or excluded an |
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0:18:26 | adjunct or an attribution trees with the other didn't |
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0:18:31 | so that's not such a major semantic difference the final distributions over the all the |
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0:18:36 | fifty four text you also but back to the phase one interface to detect and |
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0:18:39 | reality that the enhanced guideline |
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0:18:43 | additional in the talk table there |
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0:18:44 | as you can see there is and the final glued data shows an equal proportion |
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0:18:49 | of adjacent a non adjacent relations again supporting hypothesis about the distribution |
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0:18:54 | the senses show that forty percent of the these course parameters it's have are elaboration |
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0:19:00 | relations to start with detail |
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0:19:02 | forty five percent on five senses with greater than five percent frequency |
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0:19:06 | and the remaining fifteen percent sentence sentences with less and pipes and frequencies are spread |
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0:19:11 | across nine different senses |
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0:19:14 | in conclusion |
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0:19:16 | adjacent implicit discourse relations across paragraphs can be annotated reliably |
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0:19:21 | are gold standard sense distribution |
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0:19:23 | together with the frequency of the semantic and rows suggest that was paragraph implicit relations |
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0:19:29 | carry |
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0:19:30 | very semantic content and |
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0:19:31 | standard proportions |
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0:19:33 | and are therefore what annotating |
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0:19:35 | the current goal is to annotate approximately two hundred pdtb which is about seven hundred |
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0:19:40 | tokens a two hundred text with these guidelines and which is estimated which we have |
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0:19:45 | estimated required three minutes per token on average it's approximately thirty five minute thirty five |
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0:19:50 | hours of annotation time parameter |
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0:19:53 | the annotations will be distributed publicly by a get hard hopefully by the end of |
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0:19:58 | this man |
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0:20:00 | most of the text and the subset are also annotated in rst dt corpus so |
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0:20:04 | it will allow for useful comparisons of relation structures across the two frameworks |
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0:20:10 | a few juggles include a studying the distribution of sensors and patterns of sentences in |
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0:20:15 | the text along the lines previous work |
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0:20:18 | but now able for text relations sequences |
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0:20:22 | we also want to develop guidelines of identifying |
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0:20:25 | the arg ones of the more difficult non-adjacent implicit relations to ensure that it can |
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0:20:29 | be done reliably and efficiently |
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0:20:32 | and to this end we're looking at enhancements |
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0:20:35 | to the pdtb annotation to better lower formant in visualization which is not possible currently |
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0:20:41 | the tool |
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0:20:42 | all these intra sentential relations and their arguments in the text |
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0:20:46 | we also want to explore a two pass annotation methodology that would allow the more |
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0:20:50 | difficult across paragraph |
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0:20:51 | non adjacent relations to be annotated in the second pass |
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0:20:55 | because the sequences of intra sentential relations from the first pass the adjacent once and |
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0:21:00 | then trivial systematic structures to inform the second pass annotation |
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0:21:05 | thank you |
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0:21:12 | you very much having question |
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0:21:20 | i'll start |
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0:21:21 | so |
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0:21:24 | it is not this and annotating a non-adjacent relation is a very difficult task for |
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0:21:33 | so you see |
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0:21:36 | i want to build a model trained on the state it takes relations with distinct |
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0:21:43 | properties this model |
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0:21:46 | have to |
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0:21:48 | to be able to accurately predict |
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0:21:52 | these non-adjacent |
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0:21:55 | right so in these sequences models |
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0:21:59 | kind of approaches |
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0:22:01 | they try to do joint modeling aware there trying to predict entire sequences so the |
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0:22:10 | the contextual information the neighboring relations are very would be a very important feature in |
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0:22:15 | the production of these knowledge is an implicit relations |
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0:22:18 | so although it's not the case all of the time |
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0:22:21 | but in many of these cases |
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0:22:24 | you get these non-adjacent relations where the intervening material is just |
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0:22:28 | at |
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0:22:29 | is a real operations all of what's annotated as the non-adjacent arg one |
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0:22:34 | so if you can |
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0:22:36 | if you can get that in the structure of the relations |
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0:22:40 | labels correctly for this for that intervening material |
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0:22:44 | then when you get to the next sentence that itself gives you |
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0:22:48 | the information to sort of course that's to the next higher level |
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0:22:53 | that's one of things |
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0:22:55 | and then there's a very useful feature is enough around |
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0:22:58 | so there's a lot of discourse the axis |
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0:23:01 | that appears in these non-adjacent context |
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0:23:05 | because when you want to refer to any binned event eventuality that's non-adjacent you end |
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0:23:10 | up using these definite descriptions that there are data they take nature |
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0:23:19 | thank you |
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0:23:27 | okay let's think the speaker |
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